RESISTANCE AND COLLABORATION AT THE BEGINNING OF THE COLONIZATION IN MBANDAKA (1883-1893)
by Honoré Vinck
First published in: E.Müller et A.-M. Brandstetter (Ed.), Forschungen in Zaïre.
Lit, Münster-Hamburg, 1992, 481-508
------------
Preliminary note:
The article of H. Vinck, Chefs et Patriarches de Mbandaka, Annales Aequatoria 13(1992)517-528 [www.aequatoria.be] is complementary to the text published here, mainly with regard to the identification of the Congolese chiefs of Mbandaka.
------------
On the eve of the colonization, Mbandaka, later Coquilhatville, must have been an important agglomeration of various ethnic groups, associated or acculturates. Today, the agglomeration measure officially more than 30 km, although the section effectively urbanized and inhabited is much more limited. (1)
In this survey, we don't take in consideration the villages found in the present city and its immediate environment. In particular, Bonsole and Injolo are let aside.
Reading the articles of Lufungula on some chiefs of Mbandaka (1990a-d: 84-111, 119-130), I have been struck by their attitude of collaboration with the colonizers, to near only one exception (Ikenge). I wanted therefore to deepen this question and my findings will show that nuances must be introduced in this suggestion as well.
A problem of method arises. The main and nearly exclusive sources of our knowledge of this period, come from the side of the colonizers. The main source is the Journal of Lemaire (2), a private document, that was not destined to publication, and therefore less suspected of propagandist aims. The oral tradition on the other hand, is piecemeal and imprecise. We must therefore take account of this in the interpretation of the facts that will be evoked here.
Stanley, in his two books (1879, especially pp. 308-309; 1885, especially p. 72-74, 180-182), already gives us some indications. But it is principally Coquilhat (1888), one of the two founders of "Equatorstation" who will be confronted to the problem of the rejection of the Whites by the autochthonous population. His successors: Pagels (1893:172-187) (3), Liebrechts (1909:151-157) and Glave (1893:172-187) (4) speak in the same terms. It seems to me that the groups living in Mbandaka to that time, were nevertheless submitted at the moment of the departure of Lemaire. Fievez (1895) (5), Sarrazijn, Dubreucq and De Bauw, were already up against the populations "of the interior": "After us, Ntange [= Fiévez] fought with the Bofiji and the Injolo" (D. 491).
It would be necessary to make a distinction also, although not always obvious, between hostility and resistance, this last including a certain activity.
The human groups that occupy the region under investigation, were mainly the Mongo or the Mongoïsed people. Within this denomination, distinction must be made between riparians (Boloki and Eleku) on the one hand, and inland people (Bokote), on the other hand, of which the Ntomba and the Bolenge. (6)
1. STANLEY: FEBRUARY 1887 AND JUNE 1883
How did the inhabitants of Mbandaka react to the curious phenomenon of the appearance of the first white in their vicinity, Stanley and of his flotilla?
On a supplementary map to his book "Through the Dark Continent" (1879, volume 2), Stanley situates, in the mouth of the "Mohindu or Ikelemba", the village "Ibonga". This place, from a geomorphological viewpoint (right bank of the Ruki), is unfit to the establishment of a village of a certain importance, and the word "Ibonga" (7) supposes this characteristic. But Stanley didn't know precisely where this or these rivers were. Boelaert pretends that Stanley has not seen the place where the present Mbandaka is situated, but that he passed by behind the Nsambala island (Boelaert 1958,121). He can have seen the Nganda therefore (places of temporary stay of the fishersmen) established on these islands. In all cases, Stanley writes: " the natives, though not openly hostile, replied to us with the peculiar war-cries 'Yaha-ha-ha'
(1879:305). While bordering the islands or the beach, without accosting there, he could perfectly have interpreted this "special battle cry", if he had understood the lomongo language. "Yakaka" is the reinforced form of "yaka"" that means "come". It is therefore that he doesn't answer the openings of the inhabitants of the country. He continued, and about 10 km farther, he passed before "Bouena" and" Ingouba" names of localities between Wangata and Wenje, but unknown today. There he tempted to enter in contact with the fishersmen. For all answer, "They became at once officiously busy with guns, and dangerously active." (Stanley 1879: 305). This aggressive attitude changed nearly miraculously in Ikengo. " We arrived at Ikengo (…) We were liberal, and the natives fearlessly accepted our presents, and from this giving of gifts we proceeded to seal this incipient friendship with our blood with all due ceremony." (Stanley 1879: 305-6).
The reason was certainly not a sudden impetus of universal love, but according to Boelaert, (who take his information of the oral tradition), the fact that the expedition, confronted by serious problems of food supply, had sold there about 30 slaves. And Boelaert clarifies: "How to explain otherwise that the natives presented here themselves in such a big number and with so many supplies, if they had not been enticed by a price that, in their eyes, was worthwhile of it... this population of fierce merchants of slaves" (Boelaert 1954).
In 1883, Stanley came back and he could establish, without difficulties, with Vangele and Coquilhat, his "Equatorstation", first in Bojia, and finally on June 17, in Wangata, and not at the mouth of the Ruki, because the population, appeared him again too" wild", appreciation that will last even some years. (Stanley 1885: 32).
2. THE ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL AREA OF MBANDAKA AT ITS BEGINNINGS (8)
The occupation of the geographical area of the present Mbandaka by the Indépendant State, happened in two times with an interruption of 4 and 7 months.
Coquilhat resided in Wangata over 10 months (from 17-6-1883 to 30-4-1884) and Vangele remained there over 18 months (from 17-6-1883 to 20-12-1884). Afterwards, the persons in charge succeded to each other at a accelerated rhythm. Casman followed Vangele and died there after 5 months (Biography 1951:143-147). Pagels remained there from13-5-1885 to April 1886, that is to say 10 months and 17 days (Biography 1955:671-673). Glave (Biography 1951:415-417) made a longer stay: first as person responsible of the Station of the State during 3 months and 23 days (of from 1-12-1885 to 23-4-1886), then for the Sanford Exploring Expedition and the Société Anonyme Belge (S.A.B.) until mid 1889. Others were the chiefs of the "Region de l'Equateur": Liebrechts (Biography 1952:556-560) (from 23-11-1885 onwards) and Van Den Plas (from 1-7-1885 onwards).
The Station of the State was suppressed on 23-4-1886, but in fact, people from the side of the occupiers, remained there. The missionaries Murphie and Banks stayed there until 1889, as well as the representatives of the Sanford Exploring Expedition and the Société Anonyme Belge: Baker, Michiels, and Zanzibarites and Haoussa as sentries (Boelaert 1959; 1988). Equateurville remained the basis of the expeditions of Vangele (Ubangi) and of Van Kerckhoven. There were 108 soldiers in 1889, 129 in 1890 and 170 in 1891 (Boelaert 1956). It was a continual coming and going. (La Force publique 1952:annexe 6).
August 1st, 1888, was created the District de l'Equateur, without a state officer, until the arrival in December 1890, of Charles Lemaire who rebuilt the Equatorstation in April 1891 and prospected the new site of Coquilhatville.
With the arrival of Lemaire, a detachment of soldiers got settled in the Station and in 1892, a military training camp was created in Equateurville (9). He left in June 1893, after a stay of 2 years and 7 months. L. Fievez succeeded him in 1893, and remained there until 1897. Sarrazijn continued until 1899.
On February 23, 1895, Coquilhatville received the statute of urban circumscription.
3. METHODS OF SUBMISSIVENESS
Thanks to a relatively abundant contemporary literature, we can rebuild in some detail the methods used by the occupants in view of imposing themselves and to submit the indigenous population.
3.1. THE CONTRACTS
Stanley only had verbal agreements with Inganda and Wangata (Coquilhat 1888: 139-140). Vangele and Casman signed respectively 12 and 3 contracts with the authorities of the neighbourhood, but 18 other villages would not have been contacted, according to the map dressed by Coquilhat in June 1884 (Coquilhat 1888: annexe). These contracts were written in French and "signed" by the two parties. According to the legend of the map, there were 2 types of occupation: full property contracts, and contracts of protection by the Station.
Vangroeweghe, who examined most of these contracts, gives us only one kind of text whose essential is drawn as follows:
"The chiefs aforementioned give up the sovereignty of the aforesaid district to the Comité d'Etudes du Haut Congo (...) besides, they yield to them in all property, in perpetuity and to the exclusion of all other person (...), the lands and the necessary rights to exploit always the resources of the country and (...) to develop commercial and other relations (...)" (Vangroenweghe 1980: 188).
The counterpart was an immediate payment and a monthly fee which could be suspended if the terms of the contract were not respected. In May 1885, Pagels had 16 chiefs to pay (Pagels 1902-1905). Coquilhat, who attended the signature of several of these texts, did not explain how and in what language one made the chiefs understand the meaning of the terms "in perpetuity", "sovereignty" and "overall property". It is certain that these texts were matter to very contradictory interpretations and are in consequent at the origin of quarrels and even fights between the contracting parties. The behaviour of Ikenge, who wanted to control and to ransom the delivery of the food supplies to the station, and who opposed the cutting down of 3 trees, and refused the enlarging of the occupied land, etc., proves this abundantly. This attitude would cost him his life.
3.2. EFFICIENT OCCUPATION OF THE LAND
The efficient occupation did not immediately follow the signature of the contract, except for a division of Wangata. After the death of Ikenge, one relocate the village to extend the Station. Difficulties emerged also to enlarge the land of Bokena-Boyela. The events has been kept by the oral tradition. The opposition grew and a ruse, the abduction of the chief's son, was necessary to make to the negotiations go ahead (Hulstaert 1986: 84-85). (10)
After the proclamation of the Etat Indépendant (1-7-1885), one doesn't hear to speak anymore of these contracts.
Let's mention another kind of occupation that consisted in the system of the sentries, black soldiers, supervising the imposed production of food supplies, rubber, etc. The villages around Equateurville bent under their burden. Our sources inform us that:
(1). While the Station of Equateurville was abandoned by the Whites of the State, from Nouvelle Anvers, one placed there in October 1889 as representatives of the State, a Zanzibarite and several soldiers (Boelaert 1952: 59).
(2). The Ipeko village, not yielding easily to the sale of inexpensive hens to the Station, was endowed thus "with a dwelling of 5 men (...) as soon as possible" (10-6-1891). This is the only case applied to Mbandaka itself, but at this time the system already existed in other places (i.e. in Lulonga).
(3). Bangeli of Lifumba declared "later he placed a sentry in every village to remain there and to collect the taxes" (D. 468) (it is not sure that it refers to the time of Charles Lemaire).
(4). A soldier named Molili resided in Boyeka under Fiévez (Boelaert 1956: 201).
3.3. IMPOSED SERVICES
In the beginning, the forced services were limited to the provision of supplies against payment. In the time of Lemaire, there are no traces of enforced work for the State, although a decree of 1891 permitted to require it instead of taxes.
March 13, 1891, Lemaire installed a market in Wangata to organize every 4 days and fixed the prices of the merchandise. On this same occasion, one sees appear a certain type of imposition: "Every village [must] will provide on its turn, a cask ("dame-jeanne") of massanga (11) for free." The chiefs declared to accept it all, but the same day, Lemaire going to the right bank in order to buy some supplies, is pent-up. One can read a long list of war indemnities. Later, Lemaire imposed some real taxes. One finds a inventory of it to the date of the 19-3-1891: "Boussirandao villages: 1 free man and 1 small goat; Village Nganda: 12 free men, 4 big goats, 4 small goats, 20 hens; Village Wangata: 3 free men, 2 big goats, 2 small goats; Village Macouli: 2 free men, 2 big goats; Village Bandaka and Ilekou: 8 free men, 2 big goats, 2 small goats and 5 hens."
On several occasions, he noted the quantities of men, supplies and mitako for G. Van Kerckhoven, at this time State-inspector. From 1892, imposition would include ivory and rubber. September 22, 1892, the inhabitants of Lolifa had the "honor to inaugurate a kind of permanent imposition: (1) every Sunday for free 100 chikwangues [cassava]; (2) every Sunday free a basket of rubber during 10 Sundays." This practice would continue until the beginning of the 20th century (12).
The systematic delivery of rubber must have been imposed also to the villages of the present Mbandaka, as the declaration of the people of Wangata testified in 1895 (to see following paragraph). The oral tradition speaks of it, but imprecision as for the time doesn't permit to define the precise moment. Lemaire affirms to have refused the imposition of rubber (Lemaire 1894: 64) and Yampala of Boangi says "Wijima [= Sarazijn] arrived and stopped the rubber" (D. 468). It is therefore only between the end 1893 and 1897 that they were confronted with the chore of rubber.
3.4. OBLIGATORY CULTURES
One cannot speak either of imposed cultures under Lemaire. He tried to introduce rice by the Wangata, Bakoli, (Macouli) and Ipeko. The chiefs told him that he was the first to ask a similar thing (19-6-91) and Bongese to add that he was not interested; to what Lemaire reacted with the word "imbecile. The inhabitants of Bokanga received seeds of tomatoes and eggplants. On June 2, rice came out, but Lemaire did not precise the exact place.
He certainly tried impose the cultivation of coffee as the elders of Wangata confirmed it in October 1895: "We would have planted a lot of coffee and rice, like you had asked us. Maybe we would not have had then the palavers of rubber" (Carnet 6: 1 to Oct. 2, 1895. Tervuren 62-45-18). But in fact, his efforts had not succeeded as Lemaire notes himself on August 10, 1900 (Notebook 23. Tervuren 62-45-45).
Once well installed in Coquilhatville, the State organized plantations of coffee with workers recruited for definite terms.
3.5. PROLETARISATION
Vangele could not hire men to work in the Equatorstation except 45 women of Bakoli (Vangele 1884: 66). At the time of Lemaire one went farther. For the construction of Coquilhatville, 5 teams of sawyers were hired. On 19-5-1891, Lemaire put 4 people to the sawing. A good number of "libérés" will be directed toward this kind of services.
In 1893, there were in Coquilhatville 154 hired natives. Again in Equateurville, the soldiers, from the Uélé, "had been raised by white agents of the camp" (Lemaire 1894: 185, 137). Professional training inserted people of the region in the new social system, making them more and more dependent of an organized payment, while losing their traditional and independent occupations (cf. Cattier 1906).
3.6. INTERVENTIONS IN THE CUSTOMS: THE HUMAN SACRIFICES
The mongo funeral ritual in honour of a person of high rank, needed several human sacrifice (Hulstaert 1937). Coquilhat and Vangele were confronted with te problem from the beginning, but they didn't have any means to oppose to it. Pagels came up against the same problem. It is the restful ally Ipambi from Wangata, who organized a funeral in January 1886. Pagels had to threaten it with a cannonade, in order to stop him from executing his intentions, and Pagels noticed: "hate in their eyes" and Ipami ran away to the Ipeko "to continue the struggle." (Pagels 1902-1905). Liebrechts could save 4 girls from a human sacrifice in Wangata (of this the same case) (Liebrechts 1909: 152; see also Boelaert 1952: 12). On May 12, 1891, the missionary Banks signalled a child's sacrifice on the tomb of Botuto (Montoutou). After investigation, the inforrmation seemed to be false. In May 1893, Lemaire is invited to ascertain de visu that no sacrifice of slaves happened on the occasion of the death of chief Ngulu of the Wangatas.
3.7. CONTROL OF THE FLUVIAL TRAFFIC
Vangele had instituted the control of the navigation on the Congo River. The goal was getting hold on ivory and to control the traffic of slaves. All pirogues had to raise the flag of the state. Beginning 1888, Van Kerckhoven imposed a navigation permit, the flag of the State and the control in the Station of all pirogues. The Wangata lost thus the right to collect taxes on ivory of passage. Since October 1889, the Zanzibarite established in Wangata "hinders the trade as far as stopping the pirogues of the factory" (Boelaert 1956: 200; to see as Movement 1888).
Lemaire signals two cases where he apprehended himself all the pirogues without a flag. The first case (22-7-1891) concerned the fishersmen of Bolokw'a nsamba and a second time people of Boangi are the victims. Lemaire pursued them and at the refusal by the chief of Boangi to deliver the pirogues and their occupants, he answered with an attack, repeated the following day (13-11-1892). These facts are attested by the oral tradition: "Ikoka (Lemaire) didn't want that someone passed by pirogues. If someone had just passed, he recalled him, if he didn't want to come, he killed him with his rifle" (D.401 in Hulstaert 1977: 56).
3.8. INSTALLATION OF THE CHIEFS
Those who are presented themselves at the time of the first meeting with the Whites, as the persons responsible of the population, were called "patriarchs", "chiefs", "big chiefs." One can hardly imagine that to this time the colonizers investigated the way imposed by tradition for accession to these functions. They yet noticed that it led to scheming. For Coquilhat, the power of Bongese of Wangata w'ibonga, and of Mikoto of Mbandaka, "wily paternal", is doubtful. Imbele (close to the Station), Ejimokonda of Ipeko ("wants the war"), and Ioka (Wangata w'aliko) are qualified of "bad."
Lemaire mentions only one case of a chief (Ioka Mpumu from Wangata w'aliko) instituted by himself and dismissed thereafter (29-12-1892). The monthly payment of the chiefs also constituted a handy method to submit them. It is not known that someone has refused it.
3.9. THE PUNITIVE EXPEDITIONS
The punitive expeditions in the villages of Mbandaka and vicinity didn't take a long time. It was a question of a few hours, the time to shoot in the mass if the men had remained in the village or the time to burn and to destroy the dwellings and the crops.
3.9.1. THE FACTS
In 1888, Coquilhat wrote: "to arrive to the domination of the Negro, the use of strength is excluded of our program, out the case of legitimate defence (...) it is the decoy of our bill articles that acts as big means (1888:148)."
Pagels, two years later, felt otherwise. It was necessary "to reinforce the Station with a strong garrison to be able to punish the natives severely every time that they would disobey (...). With the 26 armed men I had under command, I didn't know how to act efficiently against the populations of the vicinity of the Station" (Pagels 1902-1905).
The Zanzibarite, staying in Wangata (after the removal of the Station and before the arrival of Lemaire) "is continually in war with one or an other village of the surroundings" (Boelaert 1988: 57).
Lemaire recorded that during a period of two years, nine localities located on the territory of present Mbandaka, had been "visited" by a punitive expedition. The results were at least: 24 deaths for the villagers and 2 for the Station, many casualities and the villages burnt.
After every punitive expedition, "spoils of war" were required. For the cases mentioned in the diary of Lemaire, one arrives to the following result: 36 "free men" [delivrés], at least 6500 mitako (barrettes of brass of about 20 cm used as a monetary unit in the beginning of the colonization), 22 goats, 118 hens and 10 baskets with rubber. These numbers are certainly incomplete and some other impositions must be added as generally mentioned in the text without specification. In this category, on total 59 men, sometimes refused also because not of good quality (replaced often by 1000 or even by 500 per person mitako), 32 goats, 1600 mitako, 56 hens, and quantity of cassava breads and bamboos.
The villages from the right bank have suffered most of all. Also Bonkombo was attacked three times, Mpombo and Nkoto two times, Bakanga and Lukumbi once. Aside these separated attacks, the set of these villages of the right bank received three military visits by Lemaire. Generally these incursions ended with the demand of peace and shortly after by the exchange of blood and the payment of a tribute. These villages of the right bank have recorded at least 30 deaths (Ngombo 15 and Bonkombo 15), and were obliged to pay 2150 mitako, 165 hens, and 1300 bamboos.
3.9.2. THE MOTIVES
The occupants signed some contracts with about half the villages, as we mentioned before. It is clear, that the chiefs and the villagers didn't hold to the terms of a contract that they could not understand and of which they didn't see the advantages. But the State needed supplies and tranquillity, and to spread its authority. The slightest pretext was good for a bloody expedition. "And when a village was going to carry some supplies and there were not enough of it, the sentries with their men, took some prisoners, and destroyed all" (D. 468).
Under Lemaire, Lolifa is attacked to have refused a summon to the Station, Bokanga (Inganda) to have stopped Lenaerts from cutting some lianas, Inkole to have refused to sell some hens, Ipeko for the same reason and later to have made alliance with Inkole; Boangi is attacked for refusal of extradition of pirogues passing without flags, Iyonda and Buya for having not handed over 24 refugees to the Station; Mpombo sold a woman stolen from the Station, Bonkombo threatened an ally (Wangata) and refused to sell some supplies to Lenaerts.
The motives that entailed the death of Ikenge of Wangata were his harassments that handicapped the provision of the Station.
Pagels attacked the village of chief Imbele who had mistreated 3 soldiers of passage. Result: 7 deaths on the side of the village, one dead on the side of the Station. When, on the occasion of a excursion, 10 km from the Station, his boy has been killed, he burned the village and killed 10 people there. Boshart, who stayed some time with Lemaire, mentions the refusal to deliver some recruits, as a motive of attack (Boelaert 1955: 12,1).
The villages tried to defend themselves, but the superiority of the Whites was immense. The villagers succeeded in killing two people and in wounding about twenty other at the time of Lemaire, and a few under Pagels.
3.10. JUDICIARY
To impose themselves as arbitrators in the internal conflicts guaranteed a considerable inf1uence on the population. Already Vangele tried to attribute this role to himself, and some years later, Lemaire arranged systematically the conflicts which were submitted to him or of which he had knowledge. He wrote in his Diary: "The riparian populations submitted to endless discussions with the State, which generally resulted in our pacific intervention" (13-11-1891).
Between the 24 and March 26, 1891, take place the Bokanga trail in Inganda. Bokanga had endowed a woman belonging to an inhabitant of Wangata and who had come to complain by Lemaire about the overbid. Lemaire arrested Bokanga, confiscated the woman to the Station and imposed fines to the woman's father and to the pretender.
September 6 of the same year, a case of theft at the factory of the Société Anonyme Belge (S.A.B.) let to a condemnation to a detention of one month and a fine. The following day, a palaver about a woman, which implied strokes and injuries, was assorted of 6 months of detention and a fine. On July 1st Lemaire proclaimed a general grace at the occasion of the foundation of the Etat Indépendant.
The structures of the justice will be later officially instituted. During the first years, only a military court functioned.
4. METHODS OF RESISTANCE
There were several attempts of resistance, but without any organization. Besides, our sources don't allow us to recognize the conscious and explicit incentives of it. We can distinguish several strategies more or less spontaneous, sometimes a little more systematic, but always without real effectiveness.
4.1. THE REFUSAL OF FOOD DELIVERY
On several occasions we see that the inhabitants of the villages around the Station of the State refuse or sabotage the delivery of food. It was the spiniest point for the Whites who had to feed sometimes hundreds of people and to foresee long excursions on the stream toward unknown regions. The villages (their chiefs) used this tactics as means to show their independence (Ikenge) or to get more elevated prices (village of Ipeko, on 18-3-91). "Mr. Lenaerts, having gone to the right bank to buy some food, should haggardly retire for the threats of the natives" is a sentence that one meets several times in the Diary of Charles Lemaire.
4.2. ASYLUM TO THE DESERTERS
Desertion by the "délivrés" from the Station or from the steamers of the State, were frequent. They hide in the surrounding villages. But the agents of the Station knew how to discover them. So Lemaire signals 10 cases of desertion in two years. Some villages detained the deserters since more than one year (9-5-1892). Lolifa had helped and hosted the deserters and the prisoners of the Tshuapa (22-9-1892). Iyonda and Bojia had welcomed 24 of them (13-12-1892). Lemaire learns us that on August 2, 1891, 10 free Mongo ran away and became refugees at Bonsole. Finally some days later, a free Mongo went to Wangata-Les-Bois. Lemaire noted that "These men will only be returned after an armed action" (19-8-91).
4.3. THE RUNNING AWAY
At the approach of an attack that they thought superior to their strength, the villages emptied themselves. A typical case is told by Lemaire: "Expedition against the villages of the right bank. Return at 4 o'clock. The villages were barricaded by the wolf holes by prepared arrows. Nothing in the villages." (16-4-1891). In another case, people threaten to take refuge to the French shore of the river. "You can try to attack us, said Bonkombo, then we will pass on the French side of the river" (24-12-1892). In 1895, Lemaire reminds it: "If the native, unhappy, can win the neighboring territory, he doesn't fail to do it, that was the case in Congo in Tchumbiri, Loukulela... Boussindi, Irebou and in the lower Ubanghi" (Carnet 6. Tervuren 62-45-18).
4.4. ARMED ATTACKS AND ALLIANCES BETWEEN VILLAGES
The Mbandaka never presented themselves in united armed forces. The most daring actions consist in shooting sneaky some arrows. The station was fortified. There were watch towers and sentries day and night. In the case of Ikenge, we can see hardly any connivance but "in order to share in the looting, but history learns us that the action remained without obvious effect": these are the distant clans entered in the plot against us, that (...) hurry to have their part of the rapine" (Coquilhat 1888: 176). One could mention again the text of Glave, although slightly outside of the circumscription covered by the present survey. It is about an attack on behalf of the Bonsole: "Whilst living amongst the Ba-Nkundu here, I was repeatedly hearing rumours in the villages of an expected attack from has large inland tribe called Monzolé. As no white man had ever visited these people, I decided that I would endeavour to make friends with them by visiting their villages..." (Glave1893: 179).
Several attacks of individual persons were signalled. Augouard, based on statements of the authorities of the Station in August 1885, testifies: "people of the Station, white or black, cannot leave the surrounding wall that is well defended, because the natives kill infallibly those that fall in their hands. The villages allied to the whites are attacked" (Augouard 1886: 93-96) On September 7, 1891, Ipeko wanted to attack Mbandaka because they didn't warn them of the imminent attack y the Whites. In September 1893, Ipeko and Wangata w'aliko invite Ikenge to attack Bolela (of Bakoli).
After the death of Ikenge, "calmness would be return completely if the friends of the dead chief didn't shout vengeance in Inganda and didn't look for creating a confederation against us" (Coquilhat 1888: 177). The punitive expedition against Inkole (14-6-1891) was attacked on the way by Ipeko and was obliged to go back the same way, some days however after having made the exchange of blood with the authorities of the Station.
"There is coalition between the population of the interior Ipeko, Bamania, Wangata-des-Bois, Moussolé etc." (19-8-1891). But it seems all little organized and will be never a serious threat for the occupier. Coquilhat had already noticed it: "The little cohesion that, here as well as in the Low Congo, reign between the tribes, and the absence of large States and even of groups passing a few thousands of souls, facilitate the progress of our authority in the region" (Coquilhat 1383: 1-17).
5. ATTITUDES AND FEELINGS TOWARDS THE COLONIZERS
The resistance to the conqueror of his soil, is a universal feeling because of all sorts of interventions in life and the traditional institutions that it entails. No wonder therefore that the inhabitants of Mbandaka showed little friendliness feelings towards the first Whites.
Pagels was confronted several times with sly hostility. About chief Imbele, he wrote: "Imbele had always been hostile to the Whites, although he was the nearest neighbour on the south side of the Station. He always rejected offers of relationship with the Europeans and even my successors never succeeded in changing his first cruel attitudes " (Pagels 1902-1905). After a punitive excursion, he came in terms with us and conclude peace.
When Pagels opposes the human sacrifices in Wangata "only a murmur was heard among the crowd. I think that the savages were seized by the audacity of the two Whites and forgot their hate" (Pagels 1902-1905).
Liebrechts, visiting the Protestant Mission, noticed a strange individual: "I opened my mind to the missionary. He knew this individual as a sorcerer from Wangata and who was ferociously hostile to the Europeans and whom all efforts tended to chase us out of the country (...), adding that it was certain that one day he would kill one of the Whites" (Liebrechts 1909: 152). Glave killed him a little later (cf. Liebrechts 1909: 152).
When Glave had the direction of the Station, he judged the people as "friendly" (Glave 1393:. 172), but the Bonsole seemed to remain "dangerous." Charles Lemaire too observed these hostile feelings. On 14 of April 1891, at the time of the attack of Lolifa, "the natives on the riverside insulted the white" (.); these villages don't want peace." (7 -6-1890). The chief of Ipeko, Ejimokondo, " is driven by bad arrangements towards the State" (11-6 – 1890, and "Ekoio continues to want war" (7-2-1892).
The previous texts give an exclusively account of the perception of the facts by the Whites. Indigenous testimonies which are sometimes very vague, confirm some data. The extension of the terrain for the Station in Mbandaka is first refused by Bokilimba who let say: " I refuse (...) These people are ghosts. That they return to Wangata" (Hulstaert 1983: 167). But not only some Whites seem to have been object of contempt. Antoine Boongo tells in 1954: "After the arrival of the Whites, people were angry against the Wangata: 'it is you who brought us these ghosts', and they called the death on the Wangata (...)" (D. 400).
Paul Ngoi, in his text (1937) on the arrival of the first Whites in the Congolese Equator region, expressed it in his way:
"While our ancestors normally attended to their occupations, the white strangers emerged; it was in the beginning an awful spectacle, because nobody had ever seen similar people. Most people didn't support to look at them, but those who were courageous enough, did not run away. The fact that blacks like us accompanied them, motivated those who were not afraid of them to be courageous.
When the Whites arrived in the beginning, our people didn't declare them war, but the Whites, themselves, after having seduced the country, began to gradually introduce the war. It was a very murderess war. However, it did not last. Our people didn't have any powerful weapons to fight them. The Whites took the overhand because of their powerful weapons, and because of the presence in their rank of black auxiliaries. That is why our people could not repulse the invader. Even the braves among us didn't resist the Whites, and capitulated finally. They lived thereafter in peace, but it was a superficial peace." (13)
6. COLLABORATION
The occupant ascertained the collaboration of several chiefs or influential people, that greatly facilitated his task of occupation and exploitation of the country.
6.1. AFTER RESISTANCE
In the beginning, one thought that the contracts were a real basis of understanding and Coquilhat writes: "Equal welcome is reserved to all chiefs who behave honestly with us, as for the others, we tried to lead them in the correct way" (Coquilhat 1888: 147).
The majority of the villages of Mbandaka first tried to resist the occupant, but very quickly they accepted the peace and paid a tribute of war. Lemaire expresses it in a lapidary and nearly stereotype manner: "The Barouki (.) ask (.) the friendship of Bula Matari who became very strong" (24-3-1891).
Lolifa has been attacked and burned, with 15 dead left, on April 14, 1891, but already the 27 of the same month, they made an exchange of blood and delivered a tribute of 16 men, 2 rams, 10 ducks and 500 bamboos. This peace was not lasting, often only a tactic. Fearing an attack after the death of Ikenge, the Station was fortified but, "in attendance, peace is confirmed solemnly with all Wangata" (Coquilhat 1888: 177).
In 1895, Lemaire describes the real psychological process of the Black: "Either he submits of bad will until he finds an opportunity to take vengeance, or he starts resisting and will only be subjected with a rifle" (Notebook 6. Tervuren 62-45-18).
6.2. FREE COLLABORATION
Stanley, Coquilhat and Vangele have been received with some suspicion, but they could get settled without use of force. There were some advantages at first glance, for the local chiefs, of which some (Boloki and other Riparian) were born tradesmen, and they have let seduce themselves very quickly by gifts and monthly payment.
After having taken knowledge in one or the other manner of what was really at stake, some of them opposed as we described it for a very short time, but a large number continued the collaboration.
6.2.1. PEOPLE
Amongst a number of about thirty chiefs and patriarches mentioned by the first representatives of the Independent State of Congo, we find 7 names provided with a favorable epithet. They were all riparian!
(1) Bolila "the big chief of Macouli" (18-3-91), (Bakole-Wangata w'ibonga mentioned already). He held Vangele informed of the scheming of Ikenge (Coquilhat 1888: 147). He was the one who, after the death of Ikenge, went as first to the Station with supplies and "restored confidence". Under Lemaire, he fulfilled often the function of mediator. Stanley took advantage of the good relations of Vangele with Bolila, "the Lord of Macouli" (Coquilhat 1838: 167). Bolila was the informant and the mediator of the Station. On August 1st, 1888, Bolila went to Vangele to debate an extension of the land.
2) Ipambi, the second chief of Wangata next to Ikenge is "restful" (Coquilhat 1888: 145) but he, according to Pagels (1902-1905), seized the power in Wangata w'ibonga instead of Nsala Jom (who taught "kilolo" to Coquilhat) (1888: 146) but these feelings changed when the State forbade the human sacrifices.
3) Ntuka (Ntouka) from Wangata "who appears very committed" is one of the most important go-between at the time of Lemaire, notably for the peace treaty with Mpombo (12-6-1891), Nkoto (23-8-1891) and Bongata (26-5-1892). It is Ntuka who signaled to Lemaire the presence of a rebel chief from the Ikelemba and who would entail an intervention (13-7-1892).
4) Bokweya (Bonkwela?) from Wangata w'ibonga intervened in palavers with Ikengo (16-5-1890.
5) Manialo (Banyalo?) from Iyonda, was a "devoted ally" (Coquilhat 1888: 146).
6) Ikumu from Bolele (Ruki) was "worthy and gracious."
7) Wangata w'aliko (7-2-1892) and Bamanya (26-9-1892) submitted without war. What did not prevent that Wangata was attacked later (18-12-1892).
6.2.2. MOTIVES
It is no more possible to have direct and reliable testimonies on the incentives of the collaborators with the occupant. Nevertheless some indications can be distilled from our sources.
6.2.2.1. FIGHTING OF A HOSTILE VILLAGE WITH THE HELP OF THE STATE
In 1886, Glave signals that chief Welo of the Bonsole proposed to unite to him in order to submit the villages in the vicinity, but these neighbors would kill him 2 years later (Glave 1893: 179).
"Molira asks for support to Vangele to make some remonstrances to Motsirando (...) . This support was granted and it had a very efficient influence on the arrangements of our little sociable neighbors from downstream" (Coquilhat 1888: 179).
The Ejimokondo group of Ipeko required the delivery of a person of Wangata who stayed at the Monganda group (of Ipeko). "Refusal of Monganda that took the weapons against Edzimounkoundou and declared that they would rather come to submit to Boula-Matari, and that assisted by him, he would go to fight against Edzimounkoundou" (5-9-1891).
On 23-6-1891 the Bokanga villages, Mpombo and Lukumbi asked to join the Whites to be able to make palavers with two other villages.
"Auxiliaries" of Wangata w'ibonga accompanied the soldiers of the Station for an attack on Inkole (14-6-91), and on Ipeko (4-9-91) and the riparians associate to the flotilla of the Station with 10 pirogues for an attack on Boangi (16 - 11-90).
6.2.2.2. MATERIAL ADVANTAGES
The real stake of this occupation could not be revealed from the beginning. The fact to give up a plot of land chould not necessarily be interpreted as an act of collaboration; although, for the chiefs, to accept monthly, during years, a payment in nature was not innocent. Ikenge tried above all to benefit as much as possible of the presence of the Whites. He had accepted their presence altogether, and as for his supposedly resistances, they were quickly given up by obtaining of a new advantage.
The mediators wre paid for their interventions: Ntuka received 100 mitako (29-6-91); 50 mitako (4-8-91); 100 mitako (26-7 91); Bokwela (Wangata) received 100-200 (16-5-91) and Bongese 250 mitako (10-6-91).
6.2.2.3. AN OPEN MIND TO THE NEW SOCIO-ECONOMIC ORDER
Bolela, belonging to a group of Bobangi tradesmen, was an example of the faithful collaborator, who understood quickly that the situation had changed, and that it was better to adapt. He must have known from counters of the Whites on the coast. His village (or himself) used to trade regularly until the Pool [Kinshasa region]. They did not halt in Tshumbiri, theu continued to the Lower Congo region. Coquilhat recalls him "the man of progress, the openminded tradesman" and" Vangele also found in Molira, the chief of Makouli, a devoted, trustfull ally, taking admirably advantage of the presence of the Europeans from the point of commercial view" (Coquilhat 1888: 145).
L. Guiral tells that he made a trip (to Makoko Njali) with a certain "Macouli", a Bobangi who had come to sell his merchandise to the Pool and went back upwards (...) and that, (on the 1st to May 11 1882) one year before the establishment of the Equatorstation (Guiral 1889: 256-282). Should he have been the only one who, from the beginning, did understand the situation in this sense?
7. CONCLUSION
7.1. THE IMPORTANCE OF THE CITY OF MBANDAKA
The geographical configuration of Mbandaka makes it an important crossroad. It was traditionally, already a pivot plate of the whole economic activity. One can understand that the Whites wanted to seize this strategic site as quickly as possible.
The plain of Bamanya, 10 km of the banks of the Congo River, a tributary of the Ruki, was a big field of exploitation of iron ore and foundries by the Losakanyi, probably until a period close to the arrival of the Whites (Eggert 1987).
Mbandaka, on the confluence of the Ruki and the Ikelemba, on the passage of the traffic of slaves and ivory from the Lulonga river, in relation with the Ngiri (Van Leynseele 1981), had a long pre-colonial commercial tradition, especially practiced by the Bakoli (Macouli) living on the banks of the Congo River and the Boloki on the mouth of the Ruki (Hulstaert 1977).
Later, private enterprises as the Sanford Exploring Expedition, then the Société Anonyme Belge, which during a long period, has monopolized the industrial agricultural exploitation of the region, could already lean on Equateurville, the Station of the State of.
7.2. EASY OCCUPATION
There has been some resistance but without tenacity and little organized. It defeated quickly by strength of the enemy and by collaboration by the local people. For example, the inhabitants could not set up an army like the Budja and the Azande did. Only a few isolated attacks, some threats rather verbal that real have been recorded.
Once the authority of the State was established, the exactions became rarer in the agglomeration of Mbandaka and weighed less on the inhabitants than the impact on those more distant and less in view villages. During a short period, the Wangata and Mbandaka villages were pushed to harvest rubber (D, 401 and 409). The obligations of restocking in food, the recruitment of staff and soldiers and the chores, have been felt toughly, but it was certainly not comparable to the harvest of rubber in the interior, far from the judiciary and out of all control from the outside.
7.3. METHODS OF OCCUPATION
Some methods of occupation as practiced by the first colonizers must have been existed in Mbandaka like elsewhere: "I followed the examples received" Lemaire wrote (Boelaert 1956; Hulstaert 1977). But on the occasion of a passage in Coquilhatville, in 1895, Lemaire reflects on these processes: "We have reasons to fear that the present methods of occupation will one after the other destroy the arguments we gave for the takeover [of the Congo by Belgium] (14). We said that the exploitation must be made by the native themselves, and freely. Here one would say that we want to establish the American way of slavery and that in some points the elimination and the destruction of the blacks becomes systematic" (Carnet 6: 1-10 and 2-10-1895. Tervuren 62-45-18).
ABREVIATIONS
D = documents from E. Boelaert on the arrival of the Whites in Mbandaka, followed by the number of the document. The originals of these documents are in the Aequatoria Archives in Bamanya. One finds the French translation of it in the Annales Aequatoria and on the web: H. Vinck, The arrival of the Whites on the banks of the equatorial rivers of Zaire (in collaboration). Partie I. Annales Aequatoria 16(1995)13-134; Partie II ,17(1996)7-415. [www.aequatoria.be/archives_project under the category: Edition and analysis].
Notebook = the Diary of Charles Lemaire kept in the history section of the Africa Museum in Tervuren and of which excerpts have been published in: H. Vinck, Charles Lemaire de passage à Mbandaka (1895; 1900; 1902), Annals Aequatoria 13(1992)67-124
The quotes of the notebook of notes of Lemaire published by D. Vangroenweghe (1986) will be indicated in the text by their dates in the newspaper.
NOTES
1. For more ample information, see: Various authors, Mbandaka: Hier et Aujourd'hui, 1990, on www.abbol.com The other articles are found on www.aequatoria.be under "Mbandaka"
2. The Diary which Lemaire held during his first stay in Equateurville during more than two years (D. Vangroenweghe 1986:7 - 73). We also use unpublished excerpts of others Diaries (cfr H. Vinck 1992:67-124). Three other biographical notices on Lemaire are: N. Laude 1951: 603-608; E. Boelaert 1953: 506-535; P. Salmon 1984: 338-342.
3. We used a fragment of a French translation found in the Boelaert Papers. (Archives Aequatoria).
4. G. Hulstaert commented this text (1985) as well as E. Boelaert (1952-53).
5. On Fiévez, see: E. Boelaert (1952).
6. The ethnic composition of Mbandaka and its historic developments have been exposed authoritatively by G. Hulstaert 1986: 75-147, and in: Mbandaka. Hier et aujourd'hui, 1990: 21-81.
7. "Ibonga", city, Station of the Whites, see G. Hulstaert 1957: 762. In general, the word means any important agglomeration of commercial or religious nature (plantation or Mission Station, etc.).
8. The following data are taken from various publications (mainly 1952: 1-12) and from the Boelaert Papers in the Aequatoria Archives (Bamanya). As for the precise dates (and even concerning the exact functions), several doubts remain.
9. On the reconstruction of the Station, see: Le Mouvement Géographique of November 1st, 1891 (reprinted in: Mbandaka. Hier et aujourd'hui, 1990: 164-166).
10. Hulstaert: 1986 (reprinted in: Mbandaka. Hier et aujourd'hui, 1990: 21-81).
11. Massanga (masanga), from the Lingala: "wine of the palm tree".
12. The hospital and the orphanage of the Mission of the Trappist Fathers in Bamanya will be supplied fish and chikwangues [cassava] until 1905.
14. We refer to the discussions on a possible overtaking of Congo by Belgium, started in 1890.
LITTÉRATURE
Augouard P.P.
1886 De Brazzaville à l'Équateur, Les Missions Catholiques 18: 93-96.
Boelaert Edmond
-1952 a Equateurville, Aequatoria 15,1: 1-l2)
-1952 b Ntange, Aequatoria 15,2: 58-62; 3: 96-100.
-1952/53 Glave. 8, 3: Pax (Coquilhatville) 1, 8.
-1953 Charles Lemaire, premier commissaire du district de l'Equateur, Bulletin de l'Institut Royal des Sciences Coloniales Belge 4, 1: 506-535.
-1954 Stanley chez nous. [Texte inédit d'une allocution en 1954].MS. Archives Aequatoria, Fonds Boelaert
-1955 Le Capitaine Boshart, Aequatoria 18, 4:
-1956 Les expéditions commerciales à l'Equateur, Bulletin des Séances de l'Académie Royale des Sciences Coloniales 2, 2: 191-211.
-1958 Les premières explorations de la Ruki et de ses affluents, Aequatoria 4: 121-133.
-1959 La Sanford Exploring Expedition, Aequatoria 22: 121-131.
-1988 Les débuts de la SAB à l'Equateur, Annales Aequatoria 9: 51-69.
Biographie
1948-77 Biographie coloniale belge/ Biographie belge d'Outre-mer, Académie Royale des Sciences d'Outre-mer, Bruxelles, 7 vols.
Cattier Félicien
1906 Etude sur la situation de l'Etat Indépendant du Congo, Bruxelles.
Coquilhat Camille
1888 Sur le Haut-Congo, Paris.
Eggert Manfred K.H.
1987 Archäologische Forschungen im Zentralafrikanischen Regenwald. Die grossen Abenteuer der Archäologie. (Ed. R. Pörtner, H.G. Niemeyer), Vol. 9. p. 3217-3240, Salzburg
Fiévez Victor Léon
1895 Le district de l'Equateur, Le Congo illustré 4: 73-75; 84-87; 92-95; 97-99.
Force Publique
1952 La Force Publique de sa naissance à 1914: participation des militaires à l'histoire des premières données du Congo. Bruxelles (Institut Royal Colonial Belge, Section des Sciences Morales et Politiques, Mémoires, in 8°, 27)
Glave Edoard J.
1893 Six years of adventures in Congo-land, London.
Guiral Léon
1889 Le Congo Français: du Gabon à Brazzaville, Paris.
Hulstaert Gustaaf
-1937 Coutumes funéraires des Nkundo, Anthropos 32, 505-527; 3: 729-742.
-1957 Dictionnaire Français-Lomongo (Annales, Linguistique, in 8°, n.16) Tervuren, 2 vol.
-1977a Anciennes relations commerciales à l'Équateur, Enquêtes et documents d'Histoire Africaine 2: 31-50.
-1977b Témoignage de Antoine Boongo: documents africains sur la pénétration européenne dans l'Équateur; Traduction et notes de G. Hulstaert, Enquêtes et documents d'Histoire Africaine 2: 51-66.
-1983 Traditions orales sur l'origine de Mbandaka, Annales Aequatoria 4: 165-171.
-1985 Avec Glave à l'Equateur, Zaire-Afrique 25, 196: 373-379.
-1986 Aux origines de Mbandaka, Annales Aequatoria 7: 75-147.
Jenssen-Tusch H.
1902-05 Scandinaver I Congo, Kopenhagen
Lemaire Charles
1894 Congo et Belgique, Bruxelles.
Laude N.
1951 Charles Lemaire. Biographie Coloniale Belge (BCB). Vol. 2., col. 603-608.
Liebrechts Charles
1909 Souvenirs d'Afrique: Congo, Léopoldville, Bolobo, Equateur (1883-1889). Bruxelles.
Lufungula Lewono
-1990 a Ikenge des Wangata. Mbandaka. Hier et Aujourd'hui, Bamanya-Mbandaka, Etudes Aequatoria 10, 85-96.
-1990b Ilonga Boyela et Ibuka y'olese. Mbandaka. Hier et Aujourd'hui, Bamanya-Mbandaka, Etudes Aequatoria 10, 97-105.
-1990c Bongese. Chef des Ntomba. Mbandaka. Hier et Aujourd'hui, Bamanya-Mbandaka, Etudes Aequatoria 10, 106-111.
-1990d Bofonge, premier noir bourgmestre de Mbandaka. Mbandaka. Hier et Aujourd'hui, Bamanya-Mbandaka, Etudes Aequatoria 10, 119-130
Mbandaka
1990 Mbandaka. Hier et Aujourd'hui, Bamanya-Mbandaka, Etudes Aequatoria – 10
Mouvement
-1888 Le Mouvement Géographique, 8 août 1888, 175
-1891 Le Mouvement Géographique, p. 110
Pagels Georges
1902-05 Vid öfre Congo. Scandinaver I Congo. Edité par H. Jenssen-Tusch, pp 72-118. Kopenhagen [la traduction française partielle, dans les Archives Aequatoria, Fonds Boelaert]
Salmon Pierre
1984 Charles Lemaire. Hommes et Destin, vol. 5, Académie des Sciences d'Outre-mer, Paris.
Stanley Henry Morton
-1879 Through the Dark Continent, Sampson Law, Searle and Rivington, London, volume 2
-1885 The Congo and the founding of its Free State, 2 vols. London.
Van Leynseele Pierre
1981 L'arrivée des Européens et la fin de l'ancien commerce dans le bassin du Zaire, Annales Aequatoria 2: 139-157.
Vangele Alphonse
1884 [Lettre 1er juillet 1884], Le Mouvement Géographique, p. 66c.
Vangroenweghe Daniel
1980 Les premiers Blancs à Equateurville, Annales Aequatoria I, 1, 185-211
1986 Charles Lemaire à l'Equateur. Son journal inédit. 1891-1893, Annales Aequatoria 7: 7-73.
Vinck Honoré
-1981 Note sur le contrat entre Augouard et Bolila de Wangata en 1885, Annales Aequatoria 121-127.
-1992a Charles Lemaire de passage à Mbandaka (1895; 1900; 1902), Annales Aequatoria 13(1992)67-124
-1992b Chefs et Patriarches de Mbandaka, Annales Aequatoria 13(1992)517-528
-1995 Arrivée des Blancs sur les bords des rivières équatoriales du Zaire (en collaboration). Partie I, Annales Aequatoria 16(1995)13-134; Partie II ,17(1996)7-415.
[ www.aequatoria.be/archives_project Edition et analyse]